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  Claus Mathiesen (@clausmat1)

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  Robin Birkedal 🇩🇰 🇬🇱 🇺🇦 (@RobinBirkedal)

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  Postman (@Postmanden1)

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  20:45

  Claus Mathiesen (@clausmat1)

  RT @Stanovaya (Tatiana Stanovaya): #Armenia has held an election that became a new geopolitical test for #Russia: whether it has learnt the lessons of its failed relationships with the former Soviet states, how the decision-making unfolded, and why, once again, Moscow resorted to old coercive tactics despite past setbacks. No surprise — the overt pressure lifted Pashinyan's rating and helped him to the result that secures an absolute majority in parliament. For the Kremlin that creates an incentive not to recognise the legitimacy of the vote and to keep up the pressure, betting on escalation rather than normalisation. What stands out is how contentious this has become inside Russia. Analysts close to the authorities have warned, at times emotionally, that Moscow is repeating the mistakes it made with #Ukraine, #Georgia and #Moldova — alienating a long-standing partner and, by interfering so visibly, consolidating the very leader it set out to weaken. Yet the decision-making system and the way the regime functions prevent that common sense from taking hold, turning any intention into an amplified, self-harming machine. I have just released R.Politik Bulletin No. 11 (185), reconstructing the Kremlin's reading of Armenia, the split it has opened within Moscow's own establishment, and what Russia now expects after the vote. The Armenian case sits inside a wider question of how Russia handles its neighbours. Putin's state visit to Kazakhstan, with the Balkhash nuclear agreement at its centre, was staged as a model relationship — yet it rests on a quieter asymmetry of aims, with Astana cooperating on major projects while keeping its disagreements with Moscow out of public view. The contrast with Armenia, where ties have become saturated with geopolitical meaning, is instructive. Behind all of it is the war. The issue sets out why the common assumption — that battlefield strain, economic difficulty and domestic pressure are pushing Putin towards an exit — is mistaken. He remains convinced that Russia is winning, that the Donbas will be taken in time and that there are resources enough to pursue his aims. The domestic costs are nonetheless visible. At the St Petersburg forum the heads of Russia's largest banks and industrial groups voiced alarm about an "overcooling" economy, while Ukrainian strikes on logistics have caused regional fuel shortages and a marked gap between official reassurance and a far bleaker reading within the pro-war community. Ahead of September's Duma election, United Russia's primaries served less as a contest than as a test of the system's capacity to arrange the electoral outcome at minimal political cost, drawing together the interests of the presidential administration, United Russia, the governors and even the systemic opposition. If you follow Russia's strategic recalibrations in the post-Soviet space and at home, the full bulletin is at https://t.co/Fwvv7ZPn4k

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  05:55

  Postman (@Postmanden1)

  RT @nickfshort (Nick Short 🇺🇦): Former President of Chile, M Bachelet, meeting today with the sanctioned foreign 'minister' of a terrorist state. She is seeking #Russia's backing in the contest to succeed António Guterres as Secretary-General of the UN when his term ends. Clearly a woman of no conscience.

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  04:55

  Robin Birkedal 🇩🇰 🇬🇱 🇺🇦 (@RobinBirkedal)

  RT @NOELreports (NOELREPORTS 🇪🇺 🇺🇦): New reconnaissance imagery reveals the extent of damage at the 1060th Logistics Support Center arsenal in Bolshaya Izhora, Leningrad region. Secondary detonations spread across the site after the strike, causing widespread destruction within the storage complex. #Russia https://t.co/2qdxfkAPLk